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Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri has completed his two-day official visit to Nepal, during which he held extensive talks with top leaders of major parties, representatives of fringe parties, government officials, and the army chief.

While in Kathmandu, Misri met with Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, President Ramchandra Paudel and Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba. He also interacted with Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba, CPN (Maoist Center) Chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal and other senior leaders. Bilateral talks were also held with his Nepali counterpart Amrit Kumar Rai, though both sides have kept the details undisclosed.

Misri’s trip comes ahead of Prime Minister Oli’s planned visit to India, marking the first such high-level exchange in four months. The timing follows a brief but deadly war between India and Pakistan, US President Donald Trump’s tariff measures against India and other shifting regional dynamics. For much of the past year, New Delhi had appeared hesitant to extend an invitation to Oli. However, PM Oli and Modi met on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly last year and on the sidelines of the BIMSTEC meeting this year which means there has been constant communication between two sides.  

The upcoming visit suggests a thaw in what has been a turbulent relationship between Oli and New Delhi over the past decade. His trip is expected to focus on longstanding issues, particularly the implementation of earlier agreements. Among the priorities is the stalled Pancheshwor Multipurpose Project, where efforts are underway to resolve remaining disputes.

From 2015 to 2022, Nepal-India relations were shaped by five major factors: the 2015 blockade, the map row, the still-unimplemented Eminent Persons Group (EPG) report, China’s growing influence and debates over reviving SAARC. A decade later, only the “China factor” remains a prominent feature in bilateral diplomacy; the other issues have largely faded. In the same period, several temporary irritants, mostly border-related, hampered normalization of ties.

 Yet, another quiet trend was taking root: development projects began reaching completion on schedule, India’s overt support to Madhes-based parties waned and economic cooperation advanced despite political mistrust. In recent years, energy cooperation, connectivity projects and regular political and bureaucratic exchanges have helped sustain a more cordial partnership.

Meanwhile, Nepali leaders have softened their positions on the map row and the EPG report. Today, the three major forces—Nepali Congress, CPN (Maoist Center), and Madhes-based parties—have all set aside these contentious agendas. Only CPN-UML raises them, and even then, only half-heartedly. Oli remains consistent, however, in asserting that Lord Ram was born in Nepal, a claim that continues to irritate India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party. On the boundary dispute, both governments appear to share an understanding to address the issue quietly through established bilateral mechanisms rather than public confrontation. As for SAARC, the prospect of revival has receded further since the India-Pakistan clashes in May this year. 

Still, despite the delay in Oli’s visit, Nepal-India engagement has intensified. Cabinet ministers from both sides have been exchanging visits, political delegations between Kathmandu and New Delhi have grown more frequent and meetings of long-dormant bilateral mechanisms have resumed, showing tangible progress. The “China factor” remains central, with India frequently raising concerns about Beijing’s influence in Nepal in the context of its own security interests.

Regional dynamics have also nudged the two countries closer. During the India–Pakistan war of May 7–9, Nepal issued two statements condemning terrorism, implicitly siding with India. Indian Ambassador Naveen Srivastava personally met Prime Minister Oli to convey New Delhi’s appreciation. Since coming to power in 2014, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has prioritized neighboring countries in India’s foreign policy. Though critics argue these efforts have fallen short, the Modi government continues to push forward with economic and development packages as the backbone of its neighborhood engagement.

Defense cooperation, once strained, is also seeing renewed momentum. During Misri’s visit, India handed over light strike vehicles, critical care medical equipment and military animals to the Nepali Army. The Indian readout described this as reflecting “the close relationship between the two armies and our robust defense cooperation.” 

Collaboration between the two armies has grown in recent months, even as India closely monitors Nepal’s growing ties with the US and Chinese militaries.

Institutional mechanisms have also restarted. After a six-year hiatus, the Nepal-India Boundary Working Group met in New Delhi on July 28–29 for its seventh session. While contentious issues remain unresolved, the two sides agreed on updated modalities for inspecting and maintaining boundary pillars, finalized a three-year work plan, and committed to using advanced technologies for boundary management.

Progress has also been noted in legal and development cooperation. Negotiations continue on a revised extradition treaty and a mutual legal assistance agreement in criminal matters. Small-scale development projects under the High Impact Community Development scheme are advancing steadily. Integrated Check Posts (ICPs), first agreed upon in 2005, have also moved forward. Three of the five ICPs were completed and operationalized in 2018, 2020, and 2024, with work underway on the remaining two.

“During the various engagements, both sides noted with satisfaction the concrete progress in recent years in diverse areas of bilateral cooperation, including physical connectivity, digital connectivity, defence and security and energy cooperation,” said the press release issued by Indian Embassy in Nepal. 

“Nepal is a priority partner of India under its Neighbourhood First policy. The Foreign Secretary’s visit continued the tradition of regular high-level exchanges between the two countries and helped in advancing our bilateral ties further.”

The World Health Organization (WHO) on Monday announced that Nepal has successfully eliminated rubella, also known as German measles, as a public health problem. This achievement marks a significant step forward in the country’s efforts to protect its population from vaccine-preventable diseases.

Rubella is a highly contagious viral infection that poses a serious threat to pregnant women, as it can lead to miscarriage, stillbirth or severe and lifelong birth defects. The disease, however, is preventable with safe and cost-effective vaccines.

“Nepal’s success reflects the unwavering commitment of its leadership, the persistent efforts of health workers and volunteers, and the unstinting support of engaged and informed communities,” said Dr Catharina Boehme, Officer-in-Charge of WHO South-East Asia. She endorsed the recommendation of the Regional Verification Commission for Measles and Rubella elimination (SEA-RVC), which verified Nepal’s achievement.

The SEA-RVC held its annual meeting from July 22-24, where it reviewed and evaluated data submitted by Nepal’s national verification committee on disease surveillance and immunization coverage rates before recommending verification of rubella elimination.

Nepal is the sixth country in the WHO South-East Asia region to achieve this milestone. The region has prioritized the elimination of measles and rubella as public health problems by 2026. Prior to Nepal, Bhutan, DPR Korea, the Maldives, Sri Lanka and Timor-Leste from the region had eliminated rubella.

“Nepal’s achievement of rubella elimination is yet another testament to the success of the national immunization program, which has long been one of the strongest pillars of our healthcare system,” said Pradip Paudel, Minister for Health and Population. He acknowledged the steadfast support from Gavi and WHO and called on all stakeholders to continue their efforts to ensure no child in Nepal suffers from a vaccine-preventable disease.

Nepal first introduced the rubella-containing vaccine into its immunization program in 2012. Subsequent nationwide campaigns in 2016, 2020, and 2024 helped the country achieve over 95 percent coverage for at least one dose of the vaccine by 2024, despite challenges resulting from the Covid-19 pandemic and the 2015 and 2023 earthquakes.

Innovative strategies, such as ‘immunization months’ and outreach programs to vaccinate missed children, provided additional momentum. Nepal also recently introduced a robust laboratory testing algorithm, the first in the WHO South-East Asia Region, to further strengthen surveillance.

“Congratulations to Nepal for eliminating rubella. This public health achievement is the result of close collaboration between the government, dedicated health workers, partners, and communities,” said Dr Rajesh Sambhajirao Pandav, WHO Representative to Nepal. “WHO is proud to have contributed to this journey and remains committed to supporting Nepal in sustaining this accomplishment.”

The Regional Verification Commission for Measles and Rubella elimination in South-East Asia Region (SEA-RVC) was established in March 2016 to monitor progress toward measles and rubella elimination. The WHO says that the National Verification Committees of countries in WHO South-East Asia Region report on annual progress  made towards achieving the goal of measles and rubella elimination which is then reviewed by SEA-RVC which provides suggestions and recommendations or verify them as achieved the status of measles and  rubella elimination.  

In 2013, the WHO South-East Asia Region set the goal to eliminate measles and control rubella by 2020.  In 2019 the goal was revised to measles and rubella elimination by 2023. In view of setbacks during Covid-19 pandemic, in 2024, member countries agreed to extend the target for elimination of measles and  rubella, aspiring to achieve by 2026.

As the monsoon sets in, Parthenium hysterophorus, an aggressive annual herbaceous plant, bursts into full bloom. Its invasive nature has allowed it to spread rapidly across open lands. Commonly known as Santa Maria feverfew, this deceptive weed resembles Gypsy, a popular ornamental flower used in decorations, bouquets, and even bridal hairstyles. Because of its appearance, many admire or even cultivate it, overlooking the serious threats it poses. Beyond damaging ecosystems, it poses risks to the health of all mammals. Classified as a noxious weed, its key traits include being non-native, poisonous, and unpalatable to herbivores.

Research shows that Parthenium seeds have an extremely high survival rate. On the soil surface, they can last for more than a year, and in the substratum, up to six years. They endure a wide range of temperatures and can germinate even in minimal water conditions. With longer droughts becoming common due to climate change, this species thrives while native plants struggle to germinate. A single plant can produce nearly 25,000 seeds, creating a substantial seed bank in the soil. Wind pollination (anemophily) makes dispersal even easier, as the seeds are extremely light. Though adaptable to most soil types, it is especially vigorous in alkaline, clay, and loam soils.

The blooms may appear attractive, but they are far more harmful than anticipated. Infestation can cause up to 40 percent crop loss and reduce forage production by almost 90 percent due to its allelopathic properties. The impact is particularly severe in rain-fed ecosystems and non-cropped areas. In urban centers such as Kathmandu Valley, it dominates roadsides and open lands. Prolonged contact with Parthenium is linked to dermatitis, naso-bronchial allergies, and allergic rhinitis from pollen exposure. In India alone, treatment of Parthenium-related health conditions is estimated to cost around Rs 8bn.

Parthenium hysterophorus is no longer just a weed; it has become a multi-million-dollar problem worldwide. Native to South America, it has spread aggressively to countries like India, Australia, and across North Africa, creating near-crisis situations. Complete eradication is highly unlikely; control is the only realistic option. Management strategies fall into four categories: mechanical, biological, chemical, and cultural. Among these, cultural control involves habitat management practices such as grazing regulation, prescribed burning, and physical habitat modification.

Unlike Mikania micrantha, which can be suppressed by repeated cutting, Parthenium resists such measures because of its deep carrot-like root system. No single method of control is sufficient. Success requires an integrated strategy, coordinated at the national level. Unfortunately, public awareness remains low, and existing policies, while promising on paper, lack clear and actionable measures. The absence of a coordinated system and genuine stakeholder participation has hampered progress.

Parthenium management must therefore be recognized as a national priority. Stakeholder participation, including communities, local governments, researchers, and policymakers, is crucial to address this silent but serious ecological and health threat. Citizens often resort to blame-shifting when problems arise, but meaningful change begins with advocacy and action. At a time when we already face widespread allergies and health concerns, ignoring this weed’s dangers would be reckless.

What is urgently needed is an action-oriented movement: raising awareness, acknowledging the scale of the threat, and mobilizing collective effort. A hopeful tomorrow can only be secured through a prepared present, and that means immediate dialogue with local authorities and full participation of all stakeholders.

For a long time, Nepali media took its audience for granted. Little to no research was done on reader profiles, content preferences, audience engagement or even on circulation research and readability research which form the backbone of effective print media.

Similarly, there has been a complete lack of audience ratings research for radio and television. In the absence of such insights, audiences were expected to consume and believe whatever content was disseminated. The result of this one-sided dynamic has been disastrous as traditional media are now struggling to retain its audience. 

In the 20th century, audiences did not have many ways to consume the news. The relationship between media and audiences was largely one-way traffic, and audience engagement was limited to occasional letters to the editor or phone calls.

Radio, television and print were used to influence and control public opinion, often pushing through specific narratives. Audiences were viewed as passive recipients of information, and media houses operated under the assumptions of the “magic bullet theory” introduced by Harold Laswell in the 20th century. This theory assumed that media messages had a direct, powerful effect on a passive audience.

Although audiences may have had grievances, they either did not have a channel to register their feedback or media houses simply ignored their feedback. In contrast, the digital era introduced the “two-step flow theory” which seeks greater audience participation, engagement and feedback. Still, the remnants of the old bullet theory persist in the Nepali media landscape, albeit in subtler forms.

In Nepal, things began to change with the advent and subsequent expansion of the internet. By early 2000, online news platforms began to emerge. Unlike traditional outlets, these platforms introduced comment sections from the outset, giving readers space to express their opinion and to engage with content. 

The internet, and the broader digitization of Nepali society, transformed the country’s media sphere. While audiences in the past had limited access to news, they are now inundated with options. More importantly, they now have direct access to primary sources such as government press releases, official documents and reports. This allows them to compare what media houses report with the original information and identify discrepancies.

Meanwhile, the exponential rise of social media began reshaping how Nepali people consumed news. Traditional media lost its monopoly over the creation and dissemination of information. Ironically, media houses themselves rushed to social platforms to share their contents, often produced with significant investment, without a clear strategy for engagement or monetization. 

At the same time, internet access expanded even to remote areas for Nepal, becoming affordable even for low-income communities. Equipped with smartphones and internet access, audiences began spending more time on platforms like Facebook and X (formerly Twitter). Global studies show that between 2008 and 2018, these platforms led to a fundamental shift in new consumption. Today, however, TikTok has overtaken both as a primary source of information for many users.

When media houses began sharing their content on social media, it eliminated the need for audiences to turn to newspapers, radio and television for news. Despite this, Nepali media was doing relatively well in terms of revenue and audience before the COVID-19 pandemic. However, once nationwide lockdowns were enforced to curb the spread, the media landscape changed dramatically. For the first time in the history of Nepali media, many print publications halted operations for days. Radio and television also reduced news production significantly. A few online platforms, despite health risks, continued delivering news.

As people remained confined to their homes, they turned to smartphones and digital platforms for information. At the same time, government agencies, private businesses and NGOs relied heavily on social media to communicate with the public. This combination of traditional media’s limited presence and the active role of digital platforms meant that audiences were able to fulfill their information needs without newspapers or TV.  In fact, during the COVID era, a significant portion of the audience shifted to social media for news consumption, especially in Nepal. By the time the pandemic subsided, traditional media had lost a last share of its readership and advertising revenue.

Despite these seismic changes, mainstream media in Nepal largely failed to recognize, or respond, to the shifting dynamics of news production, dissemination and consumption. Meanwhile, other platforms like TikTok, Instagram and YouTube, and short-form video formats gained rapid popularity. 

For far too long, media houses in Nepal took their audiences for granted. They failed to evolve with changing news consumption behaviors and technological trends. Now, they are faced with a three-fold challenge: finding ways to retain the audience, researching reader preferences and developing sustainable revenue models. This has become a do-or-die situation for the media.

But no scientific research has been conducted in Nepal to understand changing media consumption patterns. Neither regional nor international research organizations have included Nepal in their studies. However, it is evident even without formal data that audiences are consuming news via TikTok and other platforms rather than by reading newspapers and watching television stations. 

The Reuters Institute’s Digital News Report, while not focused on Nepal, offers useful insights. The report points out that an accelerating shift toward consumption via social media and video platforms is further diminishing the influence of institutional journalism and fostering a fragmented media ecosystem dominated by podcasters, YouTubers and TikTokers.

The report also states that populist politicians around the world are bypassing traditional journalism, opting instead for friendly partisan outlets and influences. These personalities often gain privileged access, but rarely ask questions. Many of them are involved in spreading disinformation. In many ways, India’s experience mirrors that of Nepal’s, the report says.

According to the Reuters study, Indian audiences show a strong preference for accessing news via smartphones and social media platforms such as YouTube (55 percent), WhatsApp (46 percent), Instagram (37 percent) and Facebook (36 percent), especially among English-speaking users. This trend likely holds true for Nepal as well.

Another global trend that is increasingly evident in Nepal is news fatigue. With decades of political instability, the media has been dominated by repetitive coverage of political wrangling, corruption and the same political figures. On the international front, conflict-heavy news continues to dominate headlines. Audiences are growing tired of this monotony; they no longer want to read or hear the same narratives year after year.

While mainstream media has played an essential role in strengthening democracy, exposing corruption and holding power accountable, it has lagged behind in offering diverse, engaging content. This has contributed to audience fatigue and disinterest.

In conclusion, media houses must rethink their strategy. They need to increase their presence on platforms where audiences are active, especially video-centric platforms like YouTube and TikTok. As gatekeepers of institutional journalism, they still possess the credibility and capacity to serve public interest, but they must listen more to what their audience wants. 

This means developing responsive content strategies, adopting audience research methods and creating sustainable digital revenue models. More importantly, it is time to actively implement Audience Engagement Theory, which emphasizes two-way communication and greater interaction with the public. If mainstream media is to stay relevant, it must stop treating its audience as passive recipients and start seeing them as active participants in the media ecosystem.