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As Dashain approaches, kites have started appearing in the sky. Flying kites holds a special significance during the festival, as people enjoy the celebration by sending colorful kites soaring above.

Children and youths, in particular, fly kites with great excitement, adding more joy to the festive atmosphere. The tradition of kite flying is often seen as a symbol of freedom and happiness.

In Chikamugal, Kathmandu, Dipendra Kumar Ranjitkar has been selling kites every Dashain for nearly four decades. In earlier times, his shop used to be crowded with customers, but in recent years, the number of buyers has declined.

A simple kite costs between Rs 10 and Rs 40, while paper-made Nepali kites crafted especially for Dashain are more expensive. The price of spools (lattai) ranges from Rs 120 for a small one to Rs 1,000–1,200 for larger ones.

Although kite-making is mainly for Dashain, Ranjitkar begins preparing them right after Indra Jatra.

Flying kites during Dashain is not just a game—it brings families and communities together, adds joy to the festival, and helps preserve culture and tradition. With colorful kites soaring high, the festive spirit becomes even more vibrant.

Photos: Nepal Photo Library

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As Nepal's interim government moves ahead with preparations for national elections scheduled for March 21 next year, former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli—dismissed following the violent protests on Sept 8–9—has asserted that the current government does not offer a solution to the ongoing national crisis.

Speaking at a public program organized by the youth wing of his party in Bhaktapur amid tight security, the former Prime Minister urged political parties to seek a resolution to the crisis through constitutional means. This suggests that his party, the CPN-UML, does not recognize the legitimacy of the interim government led by Sushila Karki.

Despite internal pressure within the party for Oli to step down, he appears determined to continue shaping the party’s future direction. Just prior to the protests, the CPN-UML endorsed a proposal allowing Oli to lead the party for a third consecutive term.

Although the statement issued by President Ram Chandra Poudel on Sept 12 noted that Sushila Karki was appointed prime minister with the consent of then-PM Oli, Oli now claims he had instead urged the President to find a constitutional solution. It is argued that appointing a non-parliamentarian as prime minister was a violation of the constitution.

Referring to the protests, Oli said, “Less than one percent of the population is trying to impose their will on the remaining 99 percent.” Since leaving the Nepal Army barracks after a 10-day stay, Oli—who also serves as the CPN-UML chairman, the second-largest party in the now-dissolved House of Representatives—has resumed political activity, holding meetings with party delegations and calling a secretariat meeting to discuss the political situation.

In a strong statement that is likely to irk both the current government and protestors, Oli claimed the interim government was not formed by the people’s mandate but rather “on the foundation of vandalism and arson.” He vowed to restore the country’s constitutional framework.

This indicates that the UML could support restoring the dissolved Parliament and forming a new government—an extremely difficult task, especially amid growing public distrust of political parties. On social media, Oli’s remarks have drawn widespread criticism. Government ministers have also expressed concern that such statements could inflame an already fragile situation and pose law and order risks. Oli has further criticized the government for failing to provide him with adequate security, saying he has received threats but that authorities are not taking them seriously. “I see people locating my house and planning to attack it. What is the government doing?” he said. About the Sept 9 violence, Oli said: “Had there been a five-minute delay, I would have been killed. There was a plan to injure Sher Bahadurjee and kill me—but they failed. I trusted the security, but the army said they couldn’t do anything.”

As protestors demand that Oli be held accountable for the killing of 19 youths during the protests in Kathmandu on Sept 8, he challenged the government to produce evidence that he had ordered the shootings. “If the government has any record of instructions I gave, I challenge them to bring it forward,” he said. 

He refused to take responsibility as the head of the government, while on the same day, Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak resigned, accepting responsibility for the killings.

Hinting at the involvement of both domestic and international forces, Oli remarked, “I see how different powers are playing their games and trying to steer Nepal in their direction. The Nepali people must stay alert.” He has publicly claimed that foreign forces conspired to remove him due to his nationalist stance.

Amid reports that the government is seeking to block the passports of senior leaders, including Oli, the former PM stated, “Are we going to flee abroad and hand over the country to this government? No—we will build this country.” However, Oli has yet to acknowledge mistakes made during his time in office, including the controversial social media ban. He is now preparing for dialogue with major parties, including the Nepali Congress and the CPN (Maoist Center).

In efforts to create a favorable atmosphere for the upcoming election, President Ram Chandra Poudel is holding consultations with senior leaders of the main parties. On Sept 26, he held an extended meeting with CPN-UML leaders Ishwar Pokhrel, Bishnu Poudel, and Shanker Pokhrel. UML leaders reportedly complained that the government is failing to ensure a conducive environment for elections.

Despite efforts, the three main parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center)—have yet to hold a joint meeting, leaving the future political course uncertain. Party leaders are increasingly suspicious that the current government may be planning to imprison them under the pretext of corruption.

In a significant political development following the recent GenZ protests, the CPN (Maoist Center) has dissolved its Central Committee and formed a special General Convention Organizing Committee aimed at electing a new leadership. This marks a bold move by the party to adapt to the shifting political landscape shaped by the youth-led protests on Sept 8–9.

A meeting of the party’s first Central Committee following the protests appointed party Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal as the coordinator of the newly formed convention organizing committee. “From today, I am no more the Chairman of the party but a coordinator of the organizing committee,” Dahal announced after the meeting.

The party plans to organize the general convention between December and January. However, despite the structural changes, Dahal is unlikely to relinquish his leadership position entirely, as second-rung leaders continue to insist there is no viable alternative to his leadership. Notably, Dahal rejected a proposal from senior leaders Narayan Kaji Shrestha and Janardhan Sharma urging him to step down.

In response to the growing demands from GenZ activists, the Maoist Center has become the first major political party to pledge structural reforms, including a decision to ensure 25 percent representation of GenZ members in all party committees—from the central level down to the grassroots. The party has attempted to portray itself as being aligned with the youth, reminding the public that it advocated for a directly elected executive president during the constitution drafting process in 2015.

Some Maoist leaders have expressed that the protests should have concluded after the government agreed to discuss the possibility of a directly elected executive head—an issue long championed by the Maoist party. During the protests, Maoist cadres were visibly active, with some involved in vandalizing private residences of leaders from the Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML.

As an opposition force, the Maoist Center—along with the Rastriya Swatantra Party—tacitly supported the GenZ movement, further distinguishing itself from the other two major parties, NC and UML, which have been slower to respond. The party is now strategically attempting to rebrand itself as a responsive and reformist force in contrast to the perceived stagnation of its rivals. In contrast, both NC and UML remain in a state of disarray. Neither has yet convened official meetings in the presence of their top leaders—Sher Bahadur Deuba for NC and KP Sharma Oli for UML. Both parties have expressed conditional support for elections, insisting the government must first create an appropriate environment.

Within the NC, calls for leadership change are growing louder. Party President Deuba, recently discharged from hospital and now staying in a rented apartment, has remained silent on his future plans. Meanwhile, younger leaders like General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma have launched a signature campaign to convene a special general convention to elect new leadership. Thapa is also in discussions with senior leader Shekhar Koirala on charting a course toward party reform.

However, Deuba loyalists such as Purna Bahadur Khadka and Prakash Sharan Mahat have criticized Thapa’s campaign, arguing that it is inappropriate to demand leadership change while the party president is recovering from illness. The NC leadership remains cautious, even skeptical, of the GenZ protests, with some senior leaders viewing the movement as a conspiracy aimed at destabilizing both the party and democracy. This cautious stance may delay any clear decision on elections, leadership transition, or internal restructuring.

Meanwhile, in the CPN-UML, the push for leadership change remains muted. Though there are murmurs among some younger leaders, most senior leaders remain loyal to KP Sharma Oli. After relocating to a rented apartment in Bhaktapur, Oli has been meeting with senior party members and sister organizations. In a recent interaction with party-affiliated journalists, he hinted at an alleged conspiracy against him, citing his "nationalist position" as a possible motive.

Though some youth voices are calling for internal reform, no substantial pressure has been applied on Oli to step aside. A youth-led initiative dubbed the "party reform revolution" has emerged within UML, but it remains to be seen whether it can generate enough momentum to bring about real change. For now, only the Maoist Center appears to be actively adapting to the new political dynamics triggered by the GenZ movement. The other two major parties—NC and UML—remain trapped in internal power struggles and hesitant to embrace reform or acknowledge the political message sent by the youth protests.

We’ve all seen it: people using ChatGPT, Gemini, and other AI tools to enhance their pictures, making them appear more authentic and attractive. But have we really considered the consequences? Most of the time, we don’t. These days, we see AI generated images and videos flooding our social media. Recently, I came across a clip by influencer Bhanu Pathak talking about the risk of uploading images on AI tools. He criticized the practice, calling it unethical, creepy, and unsafe. He warned that AI companies could keep personal data of users.

The situation became even more alarming when one instagram user shared her experience of using AI to enhance her photo. She discovered something disturbing: a photo where she was fully sleeve was transformed by AI into a sleeveless version. Not only that, the AI even replicated a mole on her right hand. Shockingly, she confirmed that she actually does have a mole in the same spot in real life.

Dipayan Ghosh, who writes about cyber security, explains AI can generate images of real people without consent, posing a serious privacy risk. 

“It allows anyone to alter photos and create false scenarios, making it appear as though someone did something they never actually did.”

To detect if an image is AI-generated or not, Ghosh suggests using reverse image search to trace the source of the picture. “Be mindful about what you share online, and avoid believing every photo you come across on social media,” he adds, while urging people to use AI tools responsibly and ethically.

Osmond Chia, a technology reporter at The Straits Times, has written a piece on OpenAI facing several lawsuits, including one from The New York Times, for using the paper’s content without permission to train AI models. In response, OpenAI argued that the data was publicly accessible and therefore permissible for research purposes.

While non-commercial ChatGPT users may not face direct copyright issues, Chia also noted that “freely uploading personal photos onto the platform still carries significant risks, particularly concerning privacy and misuse of data.”

The advent of AI has also impacted the creative world. Legendary Japanese animator Hayao Miyazaki has called the technology “an insult to life itself.” He argued that though faster, AI cannot come close to the artistry and soul found in the works of creative minds.

Shristi Prajapati, a tattoo and visual artist, understands where Miyazaki is coming from. She says AI art has taken over so much of the space that once belonged to human hands and hearts. 

“While artists like us spend hours mixing colors, shaping ideas, and pouring emotion into every detail, AI can replicate something similar in mere seconds. It’s painful to watch years of practice, love, and identity getting pushed aside.” 

For centuries, art has been a sacred expression—not just a product for sale. Even when artists didn’t make money, they created to preserve beauty, truth, culture, and emotion. Now, they are up against machines that don’t feel, don’t struggle, don’t dream. 

Still, despite the pressure and the heartbreak, artists like Prajapati continue. “I believe there are still people who recognize the difference, who still value the human touch,” she says.

Visual artist Rudrakshya Man Pradhan expresses similar sentiment. He says that AI should remain as a tool for inspiration, not a replacement for genuine expression. “It is essential to teach people the true value of art, so that society learns to see beyond surface-level images and appreciate the stories, emotions, and individuality only human hands can create,” he adds. 

But not everyone sees AI art as a threat. Sajira Shrestha, 26, says as long as you know what you are doing, AI can be a fun experimenting platform. “I don’t think it will hurt anyone as long as you are using AI for fun stuff. But at the same time, I don’t discount the harm it can do in the wrong hands.”

Pradhan says despite concerns surrounding AI technology, it is impossible to escape its presence and we must learn to live with it. 

“We know that AI always depends on prompts and borrowed data, while human art emerges from individuality and authenticity. So, I see that the future lies in balancing tradition with technology, and fostering awareness of art’s true value..”

The craze over AI images reflects both the excitement and the dangers of new technology. While AI can produce quick, attractive, and trendy results, it also raises serious questions about privacy, ethics, and the future of human creativity. For artists, it poses the painful risk of being overshadowed, yet it also offers opportunities if used wisely as a tool for inspiration. 

To safeguard creativity, society needs to value authentic art, educate younger generations about its deeper meaning, and use AI responsibly. In the end, the true challenge lies in striking a balance—embracing technology without losing sight of the human touch that makes art sacred. Prajapati aptly says: “Handmade art holds imperfections, emotions, and stories that no AI can ever truly replicate.”